Thursday, December 30, 2010

Karwar - the new destination for this New Year - Times of India

Those headed to Goa for New Year's Eve need not return home disappointed as there's a new beach destination for an alternative. 

Many tourists who could not get rooms at lodges in Goa have arrived at Karwar where lodges and resorts are now houseful till January 5. Most of the resorts and the lodges in Goa were reserved almost three months in advance by tourists who wanted to ring in the New Year here. This caught tourists from Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu off guard. 

Police in Goa too discourage heavy inflow of travellers on the eve of New Year as it leads to chaotic traffic and poses security problems. Once the lodges and resorts in Goa are at their full capacity, police block vehicles carrying new tourists at the border till the first week of January. The threat of a terrorist attack in Goa has also had its effect with many people opting for other places to celebrate New Year. One of them being the beaches of neighbouring Uttara Kannada. The tourists visiting Karwar are mainly fromBangalore and Mysore. 

Jayant, a software engineer from Bangalore came to Goa with plans for December 31 but was left without an accommodation. So he changed routes to Karwar. Staying at a resort, he said he found the beaches of Karwar very enjoyable. "Unlike the ones in Goa, the beaches here stretch for miles. The islands in the Kali river and the scenery at the confluence of Kali and the Arabian sea are excellent," he said and plans to stay till January 2. "I intend to visit sometime next year too," he said. 

For others, unavailability isn't always the case. A group of college students from Kolar came to Goa only to find that a basic room costs between Rs3000 and 5000. They too headed to Karwar. "It is cheaper here and the place is very scenic," they said. 

Another tourist lamented that the state tourism department needed to do more to promote Karnataka as a holiday destination. Places like Murudeshwar and Gokarn are not far behind. With plenty of holidaymakers here, hotel owners, tourist guides and cab owners are a happy lot. That makes for a joyous note on which to end 2010.

Read more: Karwar's the new Goa - The Times of India

Wednesday, December 29, 2010

Karwar and not Goa is the preferred destination for many, this year-end - Indian Express

Karwar and not Goa is the destination for many Bangaloreans and  Maharashtrians this year-end. There has been a heavy rush of tourists here this winter season. All resorts in town are booked up to January 2. Cashing in on the sudden boom, hotels are doing good business.
It was not too long ago that Goa was considered a tourist paradise. Karwar boasts of unparallel scenic beauty. Its 5 km long silvery beach immortalised by Rabindranath Tagore, cluster of islands in the Arabian sea, Kali river and of course the Western Ghat ranges with its green canopy protruding into the sea did not attract the tourists hitherto due to lack of facilities.
The credit goes to Uttara Kannada zilla panchayat, which first mooted the idea of exploring the tourist potential of Karwar, particularly Devabag peninsula at the mouth of the Kali. Though plans were drawn up in the early nineties, no tourism projects could be taken up here due to lack of funds. It was then the Jungle Lodges and Resorts, a state government undertaking, decided to set up a beach resort at Devbag. Later, a number of private resorts mushroomed in and around the town providing the much-needed facilities to the tourists.  
It is not merely the natural splendour that attracts tourists. Karwar is ideal for seekers of peace and tranquility. It provides an exclusive escape for secrecy and solitude. It was on the beach of Karwar that Rabindranath Tagore spent a moonlit night. The beauty of the night was the inspiration for many of his literary works, Tagore wrote in his memoirs.
For adventure lovers, there are many water sports like aqua glide ride, kayaking, water scooter, speed boat ride, snorkelling and para sailing at Devbag. The rich bio diversity of Karwar attracts botanists and environmental scientists. One can ride with fishermen in their boats deep into the sea for a thrilling experience. Swimming is not dangerous in the sea, known for its sublime calmness. Karwar sea is a  natural habitat for dolphins. During the boat ride one can spot the frolicking dolphins.
Local delicacies, particularly fresh sea food is a delight. “We come here because it is a place one only dreams of. It is a fit place to relax,” says a software engineer from Bangalore.

Source -

Thursday, December 2, 2010

Pune Ernakulam B Weekly Superfast Train Only One Stop In Karnataka Petition -

Pune Ernakulam B Weekly Superfast Train Only One Stop In Karnataka Petition -

The Ministry of Railways on Saturday, the 27th November 2010, introduced a train connectingPune, Navi Mumbai, Goa, Mangalore and Ernakulam via Konkan Railway. Railway officials said that it will be the first train from Pune to run on Konkan Railways following a consistent demand for a regular train on this route from the Malayali community in Pune. It is among the four new ones announced in the railway budget 2010-11 by railway minister Mamata Banerjee.

Read more at:

Train 2519/2520 Ernakulam -Pune-Ernakulam bi-weekly super fast express will leave Ernakulam on Tuesdays and Fridays at 5.15 am and will reach Pune at 5.50 am, next day. From Pune, this train will leave on Sundays and Wednesdays at 6.45 pm and will reach Ernakulam Junction at 7 pm the next day. This train will have stoppages at Thrissur, Shoranur, Tirur, Kozhikode, Thalassery, Kannur, Kasargod, Mangalore Junction, Madgaon, Savanthavadi Road and Panvel.

Read more: Ernakulam-Pune bi-weekly from today - The Times of India

The newly started Pune-Ernakulam express train covers a distance of 353 kms in Karnataka. However, it has been given stops only at Mangalore Junction station. In Kerala, it covers 419 kms, but seven stops have been given there, at Kasargod, Kannur, Talassery, Kozhikode, Tirur, Shoranur and Trissur.

No Stop even at district headquarters like Udupi and Karwar, makes the people of the region to question the motive behind this neglect towards Karnataka.

Its High Time, people of Karwar stood up and demand for the Train to Stop at Karwar, which is a District H.Q. and wake up our respective Representatives...

Wednesday, November 17, 2010

Demand for a new Kadwad-Sunkeri Bridge

This Bridge built in the year 1963 is the only nearest connecting Link to the Villagers  of Kadwad to Sunkeri and Karwar town. Now it is in a very Dilapidated Condition. A demand for a new bridge was put forth by the people, but so far the Government has not acted upon it. The  bridge is now dangerous even for two and three wheelers, and the people, including school and college Students, fishermen, pensioners, patients and employees, have to take a round-about route of Ten Kms to reach Kadwad from Sunkeri, which is just 300 metres across the Kali backwaters, a stone's throw away.
The anger of the villagers has now acquired a new magnitude, as they have reliably learnt that the present District-In-Charge Minister - Vishweshwar Hegde Kageri has diverted the Rupees Eight Crores meant for the new bridge to his Sirsi Constituency.
 The near-disqualification of the Karwar Constituency has silenced the voice of the Kadwad villagers in the Assembly, and they have no voice to vent their demands.
The visit of the Chief Minister Dr B. S. Yeddiyurappa to Karwar Constituency to hand-over the houses to the victims of the Maadibag Hill Landslide after over a year of the incident, had kindled some hope in the minds of the local people, that the bridge could be newly constructed after all. But now it is also learnt that the Chief Minister may not visit Kadwad at all to hand-over the houses to the land-slide victims, which has again enraged the local people.
The apathy of the Government to respond to the needs of the people, combined with the alleged discriminatory approach of the District-In-Charge Minister, to favor his Sirsi Constituency, at the cost of the other taluks of the District, and the hasty decision of the Karwar Constituency MLA Anand Asnotikar earning his dsqualification, has watered down the hopes of the people of this Region, to see any developmental works in Karwar. The very own BJP party of the Minister is dis-illusioned about his attitude as per this Report    
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Tuesday, September 28, 2010

Cycle rally to popularize tourist spots

Chief minister B S Yeddyurappa will inaugurate a cycle jatha on October 8 at Castle Rock, said B Mallesh, Haliyal deputy conservator of forest. Addressing reporters at Haliyal on Monday, Mallesh said the two-day cycle jatha is aimed to popularize important tourist locations like waterfalls, historical spots, places of pilgrimages and beaches in Uttara Kannada district. 

The jatha, which is being carried out in connection with the Greater Canara Green Tourism, will cover 250 km from Dudhasagar Falls to Jog Falls. The jatha will begin at 8 am on October 8 and reach Jog on October 10. 

He said the jatha will showcase the green tourist spots of the district, apart from conveying a message to protect the forests and environment. It will also give job opportunities for the youths, he added. 

Cyclists of national and international fame will participate in the jatha, along with cadets of National School of Defence, Bijapur, for whom, a cycle race of 70 km will be arranged. The first three victorious candidates will be awarded the Greater Canara Parisarashri award. 

Mallesh said it is mandatory for guards, foresters, forest officers and assistant conservator of forests to participate in the rally, while interested youths, college students can also join in, he added. 

The CM will inaugurate it at the Railway school ground at Castle Rock on October 8, along with cricketer Anil Kumble, vice-president of Karnataka Wildlife Suggestion Committee. Tourism minister Janardhana Reddy will inaugurate the adventure camp and forest minister C H Vijayashankar will participate in the rally, apart from ministers, MLAs, MP, other public representatives, environment experts and writers. 

Read more: Cycle rally to popularize tourist spots - The Times of India

Thursday, July 15, 2010

Karwar Politics - Prabhakar Rane vs Asnotikar Vasant Kamalakar And ... on 1 July, 2002

Prabhakar Rane vs Asnotikar Vasant Kamalakar And ... on 1 July, 2002
Equivalent citations: AIR 2002 Kant 377, 2002 (6) KarLJ 336
Bench: S Bannurmath

Prabhakar Rane vs Asnotikar Vasant Kamalakar And Anr. on 1/7/2002


S.R. Bannurmath, J.

1. This election petition is filed questioning the election of the 1st respondent-Sri Vasant Kamalakar Asnotikar to the Karnataka Legislative Assembly from No. 172, Karwar Assembly Constituency. The petitioner and the 1st and 2nd respondents had contested in the General Election for constituting the 11th Karnataka Legislative Assembly and all these three candidates had contested from No. 172, Karwar Assembly Constituency segment. The petitioner contested as the candidate sponsored by Bharatiya Janatha Party, the 1st respondent as the candidate sponsored by Indian National Congress and the 2nd respondent sponsored by Janatha Dal. According to the petitioner, he has been contesting from No. 172, Karwar Assembly Constituency since 1983. According to him, in the years 1983, 1985 and 1993 he contested as the Indian National Congress candidate and got elected. However, in the election of 1994 he lost the election due to Anti-Establishment Movement and division in the Indian National Congress in Karnataka. According to him, in that election it was the 1st respondent who got elected. Thereafter, in the present election of 1999 he again lost in the election. Further, according to him, he lost the election because of the corrupt practices carried out by the 1st respondent. Hence, the present petition.

2. The contention of the petitioner is that the segment No. 172 of Karwar Assembly Constituency comprises of approximately one lakh and twenty-one thousand and odd voters belonging to different castes and religions. Out of the different categories of castes, according to the petitioner, there are 16 Communities which have large number of voters and whose votes decide the fate of a candidate. These communities and their population are as follows:


Sl. No. Caste/Community Population


1. Maratha 26,000

2. Komarpath 16,000

3. Bhandari 14,000

4. Fisherman Gabit 5,500

5. Harikanth Fisherman 6,000

6. Padti 8,500

7. Muslim 7,000

8. Christian 5,000

9. Dalwajnma Brahim 5,000

10. Devali 5,000

11. Halakki Vakkal 5,000

12. Brahamin 4,000

13. Kunabi 4,000

14. SC/ST 3,000

15. Gunagi 3,000

16. Napith 2,500

And others 2,700


It is contended that these communities are tribal like in nature and are bound by their own laws. It is stated that these castes/communities live unitedly in particular areas in a group/community basis and are controlled by their Chiefs, Headsman as well as the Priests of their principal deity and whose words are the last law for them. It is further contended that if the Chiefs or the Priests of these communities mandate the community people to do or not to do certain things and those mandates must be obeyed by one and all and, if not, the individual will be practically excommunicated and has to suffer throughout his life because of want of help from the community people.

3. The petitioner contends that taking disadvantage of these community regulations and rules, the 1st respondent had arranged series of meetings either in their principal worshipping deity's temples or in their community halls and were mandated by the Priests and the Chiefs to vote in favour of the 1st respondent. This was totally a corrupt practice, according to the petitioner. Further, in furtherance of the same, it is contended that appeals to the voters of each of these communities on the basis of their castes and communities have been carried out systematically in the meetings so arranged as well as by publication of advertisements in a local newspaper called as "Karavali Munjavu". According to the petitioner, this is the only newspaper which is widely circulated and read by each and every person in Karwar District. He contends that series of appeals to various communities through their elders and prominent persons holding key posts in the Government and Congress (I) party (1st respondent's party) have influenced the voters to cast the votes in favour of the 1st respondent.

4. Analysing the vote pattern, it is submitted that the total number of voters was 1,21,395 out of which 74,256 votes were polled which is almost 61 per cent. The petitioner got 28,546 votes whereas the 1st respondent got 42,502 votes. Thus the difference between the votes obtained by the petitioner and the votes obtained by the 1st respondent was 13,956 votes. It is stated that the votes tainted by the corrupt practices were about 60 per cent. Hence, if the 1st respondent had not resorted to corrupt practices, according to the petitioner, he would have obtained more than what the 1st respondent got in his favour. As such, the declaration the 1st respondent as the winning candidate, because of these tainted corrupt practices, is illegal and is liable to be quashed and further, as the petitioner himself was the second highest polled candidate he may be declared as 'elected'.

5. In order to establish the contentions, the petitioner has examined 18 witnesses and got marked Exhibits P. 1 to P. 34. Out of these witnesses, P.W. 1 is the petitioner himself. P.W. 2-Ashok Ganapathi Bhat is the Assistant Commissioner, who was the Returning Officer of the election. P.W. 3-Gangadhar Hiregutti is the Managing Director and Editor of 'Karavali Munjavu' newspaper, who speaks about the publication of the advertisements. P.W. 4-Ashok Hasyagar is the Editor of the newspaper 'Karavali Munjavu'. P.W. 5-Kishore Kumar Ramdas Desai is an Advocate and President of Uttara Kannada District Consumers and Welfare Association and Secretary of Nagarika Hitarakshana Samithi, Karwar. P.W. 6-Mahabaleshwar is a Tax Consultant and Social Worker. P.W. 7-Kishore Raghunath Shajwadkar is an ex-serviceman and businessman and a voter belonging to Davara Gomanthaka Samaj Community. P.W. 8-Jack Michael Fernandis is a voter belonging to Roman Catholic Christian Community. P.W. 9-Ramesh Nagappa Gowda is a voter belonging to Hindu Halakki Vokkala Community and Secretary to Nagarika Vedike and Social Worker. P.W. 10-Santhosh Damodara Mal-shekar is a voter belonging to Komar Panth Community and President of Uttara Kannada Zilla Komara Panth Yuvakara Sangha. P.W. 11-Nagesh Vishnu Padelker is a voter belonging to Gabit Samaj. P.W. 12-Santhosh Shamba Kochrekar is a voter and belongs to Hindu Padthi Samaj. P.W. 13-Promod S. Hulawar is a voter and belong to Mahar, a Scheduled Caste. P.W. 14-Pandu Rona Harikant is a voter and belong to Meenugara Harikantha Community. P.W. 15-Nityananda Shantaram Joglekar is a voter and belongs to Hindu Bhandari Community. P.W. 16-Shantha Ganapathi Mahalay is a voter and belongs to Napitha Community. P.W. 17-Nanda Shiva Pagi is a voter and belongs to Pagi Community. P.W. 18-Thuva is a voter belonging to Gunagi Community.

6. It is to be mentioned here itself that the evidence of P.Ws. 7 to 18 in general is to the effect that their respective communities were under the control of their own Samajs or Organisations which had their elders who practically controlled day in and day out activities of their communities. All these witnesses specifically contend that the Community people cannot go against the wishes or mandates of the Samajs or Organisations' elders and, if anybody dares to do so, he would be inviting much trouble not only in his profession but also in his personal and social functions like marriage, death or birth in his family.

7. At this stage itself it is also to be mentioned that immediately after the filing of the election petition, the 1st respondent died in a tragic circumstance. When the fact of the death of the 1st respondent was brought to the notice of this Court, in terms of Section 116 of the Representation of People Act (hereinafter referred to as 'the Act') notice of death of the 1st respondent and calling upon any person interested in opposing contesting the election petition was issued. In pursuance of the same, one Smt. Subhalatha Vasant Asnotikar and one Anand Vasant Asnotikar, wife and son of the deceased 1st respondent had filed application to come on record in the place of the deceased 1st respondent. This application was contested by the petitioner on the ground of limitation.

8. Considering the rival contentions and the law in this regard, by the order dated 5-1-2001 this Court rejected the applications (LA. Nos. I and II) of the said persons on the ground that the same was barred by time and especially as the provisions of Section 5 of the Limitation Act are not applicable to the case of the present nature under the Act.

9. Thereafter, the evidence of the aforesaid witnesses came to be recorded which practically went unopposed as there is no cross-examination by any other respondents. It is also to be noted that, as the recording of evidence on behalf of the petitioner came to an end, one more application came to be filed by one Tulasidas Naik claiming to be a voter and interested in the same relief, viz., getting himself impleaded in this petition. However, following the ruling of this Court on I.A. Nos. I and II, these applications (I.A. Nos. IV and V) were also rejected by this Court on 22-1-2002 as barred by time. I am informed at the Bar that these orders were challenged in special leave petitions before the Hon'ble Supreme Court. But, the Hon'ble Supreme Court has dismissed the special leave petitions at this admission stage itself. As such, as stated earlier, the evidence on behalf of the petitioner has practically remained unchallenged and uncontroverted because of there being no cross-examination.

10. Learned Counsel for the petitioner taking me through various provisions of the Act especially Section 123(3) and (3-A) vehemently contended that, as demonstrated by the petitioner through oral and documentary evidence that there were systematic appeals to the voters on the basis of castes and communities through paper publications and advertisements, there were series of appeals to various communities through their elders holding key posts and belonging to Congress (I) Party, the party of the 1st respondent, holding various meetings by community people which attended by the 1st respondent wherein various services rendered by the 1st respondent were highlighted for probable and unequivocal support to the 1st respondent was obtained either by mandate or dictates issued by the community elders, Chiefs and Priests. This according to the petitioner amounts to corrupt practices coming within the mischief of Section 123(3) and (3-A) of the Act. Learned Counsel for the petitioner also highlighted taking me through the entire evidence regarding the castes and number of voters belonging to each of the 17 communities to contend that the petitioner has succeeded in demonstrating how the 1st respondent has influenced each of these community people to cast vote in his favour by using Community Chiefs, Heads of the Samajs and Priests. The learned Counsel has also relied upon the evidence of the Editor and Managing Director of the newspaper as well as production of the newspaper items - advertisements - to contend that the very fact of publication of these advertisements by which all these communities made through elders to support the candidature of the 1st respondent and practically issuing mandate to each of the entire community people amounts to corrupt practice. It is also contended that, as the evidence of the various voters belong to different communities indicate practically a decision was taken at the community meeting by the Heads of the communities and was imposed on the voters practically amounting to mandates or dictates with undisclosed threat of the consequences and not following the dictates. Thus, it is contended that all these votes even with moderate estimate of 20,000 were to be held to be void because of the corrupt practice and, if so, declare the number of votes secured by the petitioner would be apparently more than what was secured by the 1st respondent and as such not only the election of the 1st respondent is to be annulled but also the petitioner is entitled to be declared as successful candidate.

11. To emphasise his arguments, the learned Counsel for the petitioner has relied upon the following decisions:

1. Samant N. Balakrishna v. George Fernandez and Ors., ;

2. Chandrakanta Goyal v. Sohan Singh Jodh Singh Kohli, AIR 1996 SC 86 ;

3. Lalroukurig v. Haokholal Thangjom, (1969) 4 1 ELR 35 (SC) : 1969 UJ (SC) 12;

4. S. Harcharan Singh v. S. Sajjan Singh and Ors., ;

5. M. Chenna Reddy v. V. Ramachandra Rao and Anr., (1968) 40 ELR 390 : 1968(8) DEC 337 (SC);

6. Ramakant Mayekar v. Smt. Celine D'Silua, ;

7. Jamana Prasad Mukhariya v. Lachhi Ram and Ors., AIR 1954 SC 686;

8. T. Nagappa v. T.C. Basappa and Ors., ; and

9. Kultar Singh v. Mukhtiar Singh, .

12. Taking into considerations of the petitioner, this Court had framed the following issues for consideration;

1. Whether the petitioner proves that the 1st respondent or his agent or any other person with the consent of the 1st respondent or his election agent appealed the voters of No. 172, Karwar Assembly Constituency to vote or refrain from voting on the ground of his religion, caste and community which amounts to corrupt practice as per Section 123(3) and (3-A) of the Act?

2. Whether the petitioner proves that the election of the 1st respondent is liable to be declared as null and void on that count corrupt practice and whether the petitioner is entitled to be declared as elected from No. 172, Karwar Assembly Constituency to the Karnataka Legislative Assembly?

3. What order?

13. Before going into the merits of the case it would be necessary to keep in mind the law declared by the Apex Court in respect of the pleadings, evidence, its appreciation, etc., in election petition cases. This is more so to be considered and strictly followed especially in the present case wherein the petition and the evidence adduced by the petitioner has remained practically unchallenged.

14. A few of the well-settled judgments are as follows:

1. D.P. Mishra v. Kam,al Narayan Sharma, ;

2. Hem Raj v. Ramji Lal, ;

3. Gadakh Yashwantrao Kankarrao v. E.V. alias Balasaheb Vikhe Patil, .

15. In all these and other cases the settled law and the principles laid down are as follows:

(1) That the charge of corrupt practice is to be proved like a criminal charge and that the same standard of proof as is required in criminal cases is to be applied in the testing of evidence of corrupt practice in an election petition.

(2) The allegations of corrupt practices must be established by clinching and impeachable evidence.

(3) Vague allegations and discrepant evidence may only create a doubt but then the charge of corrupt practices cannot be held to be proved on mere lurking suspicion or doubt.

(4) Requirement of proof of corrupt practices is higher and is confined to restrict legal evidence.

(5) The proof of corrupt practice vitiates the election by itself. It is not necessary to prove in such a case, that it has materially affected the election. It is therefore necessary that such corrupt practices must be clearly alleged and cogently established.

16. Keeping in view these principles let me consider the case on hand.

17. As noted earlier the only grounds of challenging the election of the respondent 1 are the corrupt practices as per Section 123(3) and (3-A) of the Act.

Section 123(3) reads as follows:

"The appeal by a candidate or his agent or by any other person with the consent of a candidate or his election agent to vote or refrain from voting for any person on the ground of his religion, race, caste, community or language or the use of, or appeal to religious symbols or the use of, or appeal to, such as the national flag or the national emblem for the furtherance of the prospects of the election of that candidate or for prejudicially affecting the election of any candidate".

18. The petitioner has also invoked provisions of Section 123(3-A).

This provision defines another type of corrupt practice. It states the promotion of or attempt to promote, feeling of enmity or hatred between different classes of the citizens of India on ground of religion, race, caste, community or language, by candidate or his agent or any other person with the consent of the candidate or his election agent for the furtherance of the prospects of the election of that candidate or for prejudicially affecting the election of any candidate.

(a) The pleadings and the evidence of the petitioner in this regard are the series of appeals to various communities through their leaders holding key posts and all belonging to the political party of respondent 1;

(b) Holding of various meetings by the community Heads to declare support in favour of respondent 1 and in most of these meetings respondent 1 was present;

(c) Publications of advertisements in the only local and much read daily newspaper called 'Karavali Munjavu' by various communities, in which systematic appeals were made by very prominant persons of each community who also hold important posts either in the Government service or in the local bodies all belonging to the party of the returned candidate.

19. Again, before going into the evidence in this regard it would be necessary to analyse the provision of Section 123(3) which is in four parts:

(a) There should be an appeal by a candidate or his agent or by any other person with the consent of a candidate or his election agent;

(b) To vote or refrain from voting for any person;

(c) On the ground of his religion, race, caste, community or language;

(d) For the furtherance of the prospects of the election of that candidate or for prejudicially affecting the election of any candidate.

It is to be noted that so far as (a) and (b) are concerned there is enough material produced by the petitioner, both oral and documentary, to show that there were series of appeals by various religious/community leaders or by prominent persons of the community holding key posts to vote in favour of the respondent 1.

20. The petitioner has not only produced series of advertisements, which appeared in the local newspaper at Exs. P. 2 to P. 11 and P. 32, but also has examined two editors as P.Ws. 3 and 4.

21. These editors have spoken to about the circulation of the newspaper, its wide acceptance and reading in the Karwar district etc. They also have spoken to placement of these advertisements by various communities showing their support in favour of respondent 1. They have also spoken to the proceedings initiated by the Returning Officer in respect of these advertisements and the orders passed in that regard. Apart from these two persons connected with the newspaper, the petitioner has also led evidence of P.W. 5, 15, independent voters about these advertisements and the proceedings initiated by the returning officer.

22. In my view there is sufficient and cogent evidence to hold that there were series of advertisements published in the newspaper by various communities showing their support in favour of respondent 1.

23. But for the purpose of the Section 123(3), mere placing of advertisements in the newspaper by itself cannot be said to be an act of corrupt practice. Advertisements are part and parcel of election campaigning. To bring this act within the purview of Section 123(3) of the Act, something much more is required. This is clear from the analysis of the provision I have already noted.

24. These appeals or advertisements should be not only to vote or refrain from voting for any person but also appeal should be on the ground of his religion, race, caste, community or language and thereby to further the prospects of the election of that candidate will be bright or it will prejudicially affect election of other candidates.

25. As such the petitioner is required to show that these appeals or advertisements were by respondent or his agent or by any other person with the consent of respondent or his election agent, and this appeal was to vote or refrain from voting for petitioner and most importantly these appeals were made on the ground of his religion, race, caste, community or language,

26. On going through the evidence of the witnesses and the alleged appeals through advertisements no doubt it is clear that they were made, showing the support of individual communities in favour of respondent 1. But there is no positive evidence to show that these advertisements were by the candidate or his agent. Except vague statements made before this Court that it was the respondent 1 who paid for the same, there is no indication even to show or prove such thing.

27. In fact the evidence of the editors themselves if seen along with the documentary evidence especially Exs. P. 27 to P. 31 the statement filed by the editor to the returning officer as per the mandatory requirement to show the expenses, there is nothing to indicate that these advertisements were placed by the candidate or his agent. In this regard an attempt has been made by the petitioner to say that the same were financed by the respondent either by himself or through his supporters.

28. It is to be noted that when the documentary evidence, Exs. P. 27 to P. 31 belies this statement, in my view the vague allegations cannot be excepted.

29. Even otherwise for a moment for the sake of argument if it is accepted that these advertisements were placed by the supporters of the returned candidate, that by itself will not bring them within the purview of Section 123(3). Because the petitioner has further to prove the other necessary ingredient which is the appeals or advertisements were to vote in favour of the returned candidate on the ground of his religion, caste, community or language.

30. On going through each of these advertisements minutely and in detail, I do not find such appeal to vote in favour of the returned candidate on the ground of his religion, race etc. These advertisements were placed by a number of communities and castes through their organisations to show their support in favour of the returned candidate but there is no appeal to vote in his favour on the ground of his religion, caste etc.

31. At this stage itself it is relevant to note that even appealing to the voter by any religious organisation by itself is not a corrupt practice.

32. Considering this aspect Honourable Supreme Court in the case of Ram Dial v. Sant Lal, , has observed thus:

"A religious leader has a right to exercise his influence in favour of any particular candidate by voting for him and by canvassing votes of others for him. He has a right to express his opinion on the individual merits of the candidates. Such a course of conduct on his part, will only be a use of his great influence amongst a particular section of the voters in the constituency; but it will amount to an abuse of his great influence if the words he uses in a document, or utters in his speech, leave no choice to the persons addressed by him, in the exercise of their electoral rights".

33. In the present case on going through the advertisements by the various groups or communities or even by their leaders does not indicate that they were mandates or dictates of the community leaders to vote in favour of the returned candidate on the ground of his caste, religion etc. What all that is stated in these advertisements is that the communities feel grateful to the services done by the returned candidate earlier and as such they show their support in his favour and nothing more.

34. Added to this what is relevant is to see whether these appeals were on the ground of "his" religion or caste etc. In my view the stress is more on the word "his".

35. As observed by the Apex Court in the case of Dr. Ramesh Yesh-want Prabhoo v. Prabhakar Kashinath Kunte and Ors., :

"There can be no doubt that the word "his" used in Sub-section (3) must have significance and it cannot be ignored or equated with the word 'any' to bring within the net of Sub-section (3) any appeal in which there is any reference to religion. The religion forming the basis of the appeal to vote or refrain from voting for any person, must be of that candidate for whom the appeal to vote or refrain from voting is made. This is clear from the plain language of Sub-section (3) and this is the only manner in which the word 'his' used therein can be construed. When the appeal is to vote on the ground of 'his' religion for the furtherance of the prospects of the election of that candidate, that appeal is made on the basis of the religion of the candidate for whom votes are solicited. On the other hand when the appeal is to refrain from voting for any person on the ground of 'his' religion for prejudicially affecting the election of any candidate, that appeal is based on the religion of the candidate whose election is sought to be prejudicially affected. The first is a positive appeal and the second a negative appeal. There is no ambiguity in Sub-section (3) and it clearly indicates the particular religion on the basis of which an appeal to vote or refrain from voting for any person is prohibited under Sub-section (3)".

"Sub-section (3) in substance forbids appeal for votes for any candidate on the ground of 'his' religion and appeal to refrain from voting for any other candidate on the ground of the religion of that other candidate. Obviously the purpose of enacting the provision is to ensure that no candidate at an election gets votes only because of his religion and no candidate is denied any votes on the ground of his religion. This is in keeping with the secular character of the Indian polity and rejection of the scheme of separate electorates based on religion in our constitutional scheme. An appeal of the kind forbidden by Sub-section (3) based on the religion of a candidate, need not necessarily be prejudicial to public order and, therefore, the further element of likelihood of prejudice to public order is necessary on account of which it is not implicit in the provision".

36. In my view the aforesaid dicta laid down by the Honourable Supreme Court is most relevant in the present case. It is not the case of the petitioner that various religious communities or organisations and their leaders have made the appeal through these advertisements to the voters on the basis of either the religion of petitioner or that of the respondent.

37. In this regard the learned Counsel for the petitioner tried to contend that the word 'his' cannot be read in isolation or as applicable only to the word 'candidate'. It is contended that under the scheme of Section 123 three types of appeals with reference to the religion or caste or community etc., are contemplated. According to the petitioner this appeal may be with reference to the religion of the candidate, religion of the election agent or the religion of any other person with the consent of the candidate or his agent. I am afraid to accept this contention as far-fetched especially in the light of the clear law laid down by the Honourable Supreme Court in Ram Dial's case, supra. In my view the word 'his' has to be read in isolation and only in connection with the religion, caste, community etc., of either petitioner or the respondent. It cannot be used universally that is to say religion, caste, community etc., of any and every person who is making the appeal.

38. In the present case, in my view since the advertisements were neither made in favour of the petitioner nor the respondent referring to the individual religion, caste, community etc., but was an appeal made by organisations of various castes and communities through their leaders, the same cannot and would not be falling within the necessary ingredient of Section 123(3) of the Act.

39. As observed by the Honourable Supreme Court in the case of Baburao Patel v. Dr. Zakir Hussain, ,

"Mere canvassing in favour of a candidate at an election cannot amount to interference with the free exercise of the electoral rights. If the leader of the party indicates to the members of his party for whom to vote, he is merely canvassing which he is entitled to do in a democratic set up".

(emphasis supplied)

If in the above marked sentence for the words 'leader of the party', the words 'leaders of the organisation or religious caste, community etc.' is substituted or added, in my view the argument in this regard addressed by the learned Counsel for the petitioner fails and cannot be accepted.

40. As such I am constrained to hold that the petitioner has failed to prove the allegation of corrupt practice as mentioned in Section 123 especially under Sub-section (3) of the Act.

As such in my view the petitioner has totally failed to bring home the charge of corrupt practice under Section 123(3) beyond reasonable doubt and on this count alone the petition must fail and liable to be rejected.

41. Even otherwise considering the other argument that the respondent had carried a systematic appeal by arranging community or caste meetings with the help of the leaders of each community or the priests or the religious/community heads is concerned, this does not fall within the parameters of Section 123(3). If any argument is available, the same may fall under Section 123(2), but since there are no pleadings in the election petition as a ground of corrupt practice falling under that section, petitioner cannot raise the same only during argument. As such the evidence and argument of undue influence if any cannot be considered as they are not pleaded in the election petition.

42. Similarly, insofar as argument regarding Section 123(3-A) is concerned, it is the act of promotion of, or attempt to promote a feeling of enmity or hated between different classes of the citizens of India on the ground of religion, race, caste, community or language, by candidate or his agent or any other person with the consent of a candidate or his election agent for the furtherance of the prospects of the election of that candidate or for prejudicially affecting the election of any candidate, is concerned again the stress given is on promotion of or attempt to promote feeling of enmity or hatred between different classes or communities or castes. There are no pleadings much less evidence adduced in this regard. In this regard it is contended that by arranging the meetings in the community halls or temples of each of the community, wherein the achievements of the returned candidate were highlighted and even promises were made for future help if elected and especially when the respondent was present in most of these meetings, according to the petitioner this was an act to promote the candidature of the respondent only on the ground of caste, religion, community etc.

43. In my view this again does not fall within the purview of Section 123(3-A) amounting to promoting or attempt to promote communal hatred.

44. I have gone through all the decisions referred to by the learned Counsel for the petitioner in support of his contentions and in my view none of them are applicable to the facts and circumstances of this case, as in all the decisions referred to, the challenge and the evidence was in respect of appeals made by the candidate or his agent or by any other person with the consent of the candidate or his agent to vote or refrain from voting on the ground of religion, race, caste, community or language, of either the returned candidate or the losing candidate. As earlier discussed in the present case since the petitioner has failed in this regard in my view it is not necessary to discuss each of the decisions and their applicability.

45. In the result, I hold that the petitioner has failed to prove his case and as such the election petition fails and same is liable to be dismissed.

Hence, I hereby dismiss the election petition as devoid of merits with cost.

Friday, April 16, 2010

Naval Base at Karwar - The Untold Agony in the Achievements...

India is finally going in for a major expansion of its newest naval base at Karwar in coastal Karnataka, which provides it "strategic depth" on the western seaboard and will house aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines in the future.

This comes after a long delay since the ambitious `Project Seabird' to build the futuristic Karwar naval base was first approved by the government way back in 1985 at an initial cost of Rs 350 crore. Budgetary constraints derailed the project for a decade before a truncated Phase-I was approved in 1995, with the work finally commencing in 1999 with a Rs 2,500 crore fund allocation.

"Phase-I is now fully complete. We have 10 warships based there. Now, the detailed project report for Phase-II is in the final stages. After approval by the Cabinet Committee on Security, construction will begin next year,'' Navy chief Admiral Nirmal Verma told TOI. Navy will be able to berth 25 to 30 big warships at Karwar after Phase-II gets over by 2017, he added. The base will also house a wide variety of smaller ships, including 10 of the 80 fast-interceptor craft of Sagar Prahari Bal, the specialised force being raised for coastal security after the 26/11 terror attacks on Mumbai.  

Source - Times of India

INS Kadamba

INS Seabird

Project Seabird was a program to establish a new Naval Base, the INS Kadamba. This base would be India's first base exclusively for naval ships and the largest. Prior to its existence, naval ships shared space with commercial vessels at the two major ports in Mumbai and Visakhampatnam as well as smaller enclaves in Kochi, Goa and other small ports. A new Naval Base on the western coast was sanctioned in 1985 primarily on strategic consideration for completion by 1995 to provide additional infrastructure for the growing Naval Fleet. Karwar in Karnataka was chosen as the location of this base. The base would is under the jurisdiction of the Western Naval Command.
The Naval base was inaugurated by Defence Minister, Mr Pranab Mukherjee on 05 May 2005. The then Prime Minister Late Shri Rajiv Gandhi laid the foundation stone on 24 Oct 1986. The project was originally conceived by Admiral OS Dawson (Retd), PVSM, AVSM, ADC, who was Chief of Naval Staff from 28 Feb 82 to 30 Nov 84.
The West Coast was chosen for the location of the new base since the eastern base at Visakhapatnam, which could berth 50 ships, was considered adequate for India’s security needs in the east. Mumbai, on the west coast, was too congested due the substantial number of merchant vessels that docked there regularly, often forcing naval ships to wait a day before they could dock. Shallow waters along the channel in Mumbai prevent the berthing of aircraft carriers, which would have to lie in anchorage. Expansion of the Mumbai base was impossible and nearby buildings such as the Bombay Stock Exchange presented a security risk. Furthermore, Mumbai was a mere 580 nautical miles (900 kilometers) from Karachi whereas the Karwar base would be around 900 nautical miles (1,450 kilometers) from Karachi, thus being further away from potential attacks such as via missiles. The topography of the Karwar base was also considered valuable by the Navy. Features include sufficient and even water depth permitting easy berthing and navigation, hilly forested terrain to camouflage ground installations and the low occurrence of siltation.
The project was beset with abnormal delays. Despite revision of completion schedule from 1995 to 2005, the execution of marine works commenced after 14 years in 1999 raising doubts about the completion of the project even as per the revised schedule.
The cost of the project estimated at Rs 350 crore (Rs 3.5 billion) in 1985 increased to Rs 959 crore in 1990 on finalisation of detailed project report and further escalated to Rs 1294 crore in 1995, though the scope of the project was considerably reduced. The Ministry accepted consultancy services for supervision, contract management and quality assurance at higher rates than that quoted by foreign consultant in July 1990, resulting in extra expenditure of Rs 7 crore. Incomplete and inadequate studies by Central Water Power Research Station entrusted with site selection studies prolonged the studies for more than eight years. Tardy progress in implementation of approved rehabilitation package for the affected families despite budgetary allocations for this project led to its revision time and again and ultimately its financial impact increased by Rs 78.20 crore. Investment of Rs 2.64 crore on creation of assets, established to match the proposed commencement of marine works in June 1998 remained unproductive due to non-acquisition of land and conclusion of marine works contract.
The Ministry sanctioned in July 1986, acquisition of 6933 acres of State Government revenue and forest land and 5421 acres of private land at a cost of Rs 22 crore. But subsequent developments like (a) minimising human displacement (b) restriction on construction within 200 metres from high tide line, (c) planning of Konkan Railway line through the station and (d) reduced scope of the project necessitated reassessment of land to be acquired. Out of 8175 acres land decided to be finally acquired, 324 acres had not been acquired as of January 2000.
The INS Kadamba was commission on May 31, 2005. As of then, Project Seabird was being executed on 4480 hectares (11200 acres) of land, which was a mix of forest, revenue and private land. More than 4000 families living in 13 villages have been relocated to seven Rehabilitation Centers. Out of the acquired 3500 hectares of forest land, only 400 hectares have been used for construction. As per the existing policy, 800 hectares of compensatory afforestation has been done. In addition, about 900 hectares of afforestation has been carried out within the Naval area after taking over. Some sources have estimated the cost the total project cost at US$800 million.
Due to budget limitations, the Navy halved the original Phase I of Project Seabird. Phase II which will last from 2005 to 2010 will double most of the existing facilities. In addition, a naval air station will also be constructed where large ship-based helicopters will be stationed. The Navy ultimately plans to berth 50 vessels at Karwar.
Currently, the Navy plans to station the operating fleet of the Western Naval Command at Karwar while sending ships for repair and maintenance to Mumbai.
One of the unique feature of the base is the ship-lift and ship-transfer system for dry docking of the ship at the Naval Ship Repair Yard. The ship-lift is capable of lifting upto 10,000 tonnes and measures 175m x 28m. A ship-lift is a large elevator platform that can be lowered into water and lift a ship vertically to the yard-level so that the ship can be moved onto a dry repair berth on land. The ship-lift will be able to lift all other Indian Navy vessels except aircraft carriers and supply vessels. Currently there are 2 jetties available for ship-berthing. Ultimately, 11 piers will be available which will be able to accommodate 42 ships. Ships will be placed by end 2005 to enable the Western Naval Command with operational flexibilities.
Land Acquisition/Rehabilitation of Displaced Persons
The land required for execution of Project Seabird was approx. 4480 hectares, which was a mix of forest, revenue and private land. Over 4000 families living in 13 villages were required to be rehabilitated. The rehabilitation of the project affected families commenced in 1995 and this process went through various stages of negotiations, agitations, resistance, discussions and meetings with the involvement of local, state and national level political level leadership, including the High Court of Karnataka and National Human Rights Commission. Finally, at a meeting between the then Raksha Mantri and the CM of Karnataka in 1999, a comprehensive rehabilitation package was settled at a cost of Rs 126 crores as opposed to the original estimate of only Rs 9 crores. The actual work at site was to have been completed within 10 years (1995-2005), but could only commence in 2000 after the project affected families were rehabilitated in seven Rehabilitation Centers. The Project is being executed in a holistic manner with the involvement of all agencies. 
Non-payment of Compensation – Movable Assets of Govt Office Attached
The court personnel attached the movable assets found in the office of the special land acquisition officer of the Seabird Naval Base here, located in the office of the district deputy commissioner, on Monday March 8. The court had ordered for the attachment of the movable assets of the office, as per an execution petition filed by the persons aggrieved at the non-payment of compensation for their lands acquired for the naval base.
Land belonging to the late Vishnu Siddappa Naik, the late Datta Siddappa Naik, and their brother, Mohan Siddappa Naik, located in Chendia Aligadda village, had been acquired by the land acquisition officer in the year 1989.  The land owners, dissatisfied with the price offered for their lands, had approached the court for enhancement of compensation, which was granted by the civil court here. Thereafter, the government had filed a special leave petition in the High Court to approach the Supreme Court against the court order, which was declined. The appeal filed by the estate officer of the department of defence in the court against the court order, is yet to be admitted by the Supreme Court.
The court bailiffs took away chairs, tables, fans, Xerox machine, and cupboards found in the office. Employees of the office, who initially resisted the move, had to move out of the office as they could not function in the office that was being emptied. Advocate for the displaced persons, P S Bhat, said that the court took this step, as the land acquisition officer failed to pay compensation as per the court order, even after several requests were made to him on this issue.
Source -

Compensation, a mirage for Seabird land losers in Karwar - Deccan Herald
It is 24 years since the government acquired 2,500 acres of private land from people in Karwar and Ankola taluks to build ‘Seabird,’ the biggest naval base in Asia.
However, compensation has become a mirage for the people who lost their home and hearth for the naval base. The land acquisition process for the project costing Rs 25,000 crore began in 1986. But the compensation distribution has run into a controversy. As a result nearly 25,000 people of 8,000 families have become homeless.

These people had sacrificed their land to strengthen the defence system of the country. However, they are yet to be compensated. The Government had paid just Rs 150 per gunta. Those who lost the land went to the court saying that the sum was too meagre.

The Additional Civil court (Senior Division) directed the government to pay Rs 11,500 per gunta. According to the court order, Geethabai Dayanand Naik, who had given up her land, was given a compensation amount of Rs 4.90 lakh.  However, the Defence department appealed to the High Court against the lower court order stating that it was not possible for the government to give such a huge amount. The High Court upheld the order of the civil court. The Department has now filed a special leave petition in the Supreme Court. It will take a long time for the hearing to come up in the Supreme Court.

The majority of the families who have lost land either belong to the fisher community or are farmers. As the seashores are a part of the naval base project, the fishermen are worried about their future. The farmers rehabilitated in a barren land are not able to continue with their agriculture activities. 

Source -
More -
Despair of the displaced

The displaced families complain that the land in the rehabilitation centres is not fit for cultivation and that the government has not been able to provide them an alternative livelihood.
PROJECT SEABIRD has, by and large, overcome its initial setbacks, but many of the families that lost their land and/or livelihood as a result of the building of the naval base are yet to find their feet.
According to revenue records, 4,111 families, including 3,315 engaged in farming on less than one acre of own land and 856 of fisherfolk, living in 12 villages have been affected by the project. However, Prabhakar Rane, a former Karnataka Minister who is honorary president of the Seabird Naval Base and Konkan Railway Evacuees Forum, disputes the figure. He says there are more than 10,000 project-displaced families, comprising around 40,000 people.
The 11-year delay between the final land acquisition notification in 1989 and the actual shifting of people from the project site added to the problems associated with rehabilitation and resettlement (R&R). During this period of uncertainty, families expanded and land prices climbed. The displaced families were unhappy with the R&R package that the Karnataka government offered initially. In 1989, many of them approached the Karnataka High Court, which forbade the evacuation of people until "proper rehabilitation measures" were undertaken.
In August 1998, the Defence Ministry and the State government signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on a Rs.126-crore rehabilitation package, and the court allowed the project to proceed. Under the package, the head of every displaced family received Rs.50,000 and a house site in one of the newly created rehabilitation centres (RCs), while two adult sons and one unmarried daughter above the age of 35 got Rs.70,000. (The site was in addition to the compensation plus 30 per cent solatium and 12 per cent interest received for the extent of land lost.) Seven RCs were created - at Chittakula, Amadalli and Harwada for fishermen and at Todur, Hattikeri, Belekeri and Mudageri for agriculturists.
The displaced families want the R&R package to be extended to all sons and a maintenance allowance for the 12 years that they remained without their lands and jobs. The families are unhappy with the RCs, most of which do not have proper roads and a regular water supply system. Most important, the families want the State government to provide an alternative livelihood, which even government officials agree they have not been able to do. The few government-sponsored employment generation schemes (like carpentry, poultry and mushroom farming) have not found favour with the displaced people. They hope the government or the Navy will provide them with jobs as security guards, drivers or secretaries.
Said Nagubeechu Gowda, whose family lost land in NK Bail, Berede and Bavekeri villages and has now been rehabilitated at the Belekeri RC: "Earlier we cultivated paddy and even cash crops like coconut, groundnut and cashew, but here the land is not fertile, we cannot cultivate anything. There is no water either for drinking or for irrigation. Many of the wells have dried up." Added Sukri Gowda, a farmhand who has also been rehabilitated at the Belekeri RC: "There is hardly any agricultural activity close to the RC. We cannot even collect firewood because the Navy has taken over most of the forest areas."
Source - Frontline

Seabird officer issued notice

The additional civil court (senior grade) here has issued a showcause notice to the land acquisition officer of Seabird Naval Base project, asking him why he should not be arrested for not complying with the court order.
A case was filed about 10 years ago by one Janaki Teka Naik of Amadalli village, asking for more compensation for her land acquired by the naval base. But after her death when the court case was still in progress, her son Devidas Naik continued with the case. On February 7, 2008, the court ordered the land acquisition officer to deposit 25% of the amount of the additional compensation to be paid to Devidas.
As per the direction of the court, the officer presented a cheque of Rs 29,57,928 in the court on October 18, 2008. The cheque was sent to State Bank of India's Bangalore branch for realization. But due to the negligence of the bank staff, the cheque was not realized even after nine months, according to a written statement issued by Pradeep Naik, the advocate representing Devidas in the case. Repeated requests of Devidas and his family made to the land acquisition officer, bank officials and defence officials did not yield any results. Considering this as a serious offence, the court issued the showcause notice to the land acquisition officer.

Monday, March 8, 2010

Woes of North Karnataka - Wikibin.Org

North Karnataka with rich history, tradition, natural resources, still not overcome issues like Border issue, Regional Imbalance, Emerges as terror hub.
North Karnataka has been severely lagging from all aspects of development.
There is a backwardness in everything fields like Infrastructure, Education, Economy, Government facilities, Rail links, Road transport, Airports, Tourism many more.

Border Dispute 
Even though the Kannada Dynasties Kadamba, Rashtrakuta, Chalukya, Vijayanagara Empire ruled the Karnataka, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Tamilnadu and also the parts of Gujarath. The impact of Kannada is clearly visible in the names of the places, Kannada words used in there literature.
If we trace the history of the Maratha empire, not much difference between
Kannadigas and Marathis and should live together as friends and not enemies.
Karnataka Kshatriya Maratha Parishat clearly said
* The Maharashtra Government should accept the Mahajan Commission report on the boundary issue and Belgaum was part of Karnataka .
* All Marathi speaking people in Karnataka were safe and were living peacefully with Kannadigas.

Maharashtra Claim 
Maharashtra laid claim to over 800 villages in Karnataka in Bidar, Belgaum and North Kanara districts.
Boundary dispute between Karnataka and Maharashtra arose over the demarcation of the boundary between both States by the States Reorganisation Act 1956.
Attempt to redemarcation of the boundaries on uniform principles, Discussions and protracted correspondence between the Chief Ministers of two States and even the appointment of a 4 member committee (in 1960) failed. Then Senapathy Bapat, a freedom fighter, and 3 other Maharashtra leaders went on a fast unto death demanding the resolution of the dispute. In October 1966, the Government of India appointed the third Chief Justice of India, Mehr Chand Mahajan, to make recommendations to solve the dispute.
Of the 865 villages and towns villages claimed by Maharashtra, the Commission recommended
(which submitted its report in August 1967) the transfer of 264 villages be transferred from Karnataka. Of the 516 villages claimed by Karnataka, the Commission recommended the transfer of 247 from Maharashtra.
Maharashtra refused to accept the Mahajan Commission Report, But Karnataka accepted the report.

Facts from History 
* Historically North Kanara or Uttara Kannada was part of the great Kannada Empires. Initially the Kadamba Dynasty (350 - 525CE). Later the Chalukya Dynasty. Then a succession of dynasties such as the Rashtrakutas, Hoysalas and the Vijayanagara Empire ruled.
* Kavirajamarga (The 9th century writing) refers to the entire area between the Kaveri River and the Godavari River as Kannada country, that implys that the language was popular farther north in present day Maharashtra. Owing to its popularity in modern Maharashtra during medieval times, Kannada has had an influence on the Gujarati language also.
* Inscribed stones and copper plates, found in the neighbouring districts of Ratnagiri and Belganv as well as the state of Kolhapur, inform us that Satara and south Maharashtra, between 550 and 753 A.D. were held by Badami Chalukyas
* People who speak Kannada now have a majority in Belgaum city.
*Kannada Roots of Shivaji : Baliyappa or Balli, an ancestor of Shivaji came from Sorturu in Gadag District in present day Karnataka (North Karnataka) and not from Sorat from Sourashtra.
* The dynastic surname Bhosle or Bhosale of Shivaji, is a derivative of Hoysala Kannada rulers of Karnataka.
* Maharastra Gazetteer on Kolhapur clearly indicates that it was belongs to Kannadigas. Mahalaxmi temple (9th Century) at Kolhapur, Construction initiated by Kannada Rashtrakutas. The oldest part of the temple was the work of the Kannada Early Chalukyas. Within the temple area, below the carved ceiling are standing figures of Jain Tirthankars with inscriptions carved along in an old form of Kannada Language (Hale Kannada).
* At Ajanta and Ellora cave temples you can notice Some of the paintings those belongs to Kannada dynasty Chalukya.
* Kailash temple in Ellora was built by the kannada dynasty Rastrakutas.
* In Maharashtra after the fall of Vakatakas, South Maharashtra was lost to the Kadambasand North Maharashtra was lost to Kalachuris. The new religion of Basavanna had set a great religious revolution there. Basavanna settled down at Sangameshvar in the Ratnagiri district, propounding Shaivism (Veerashaivism) called the Virashaivas.
* The greatness of Vijayanagara Empire and glory of Kannada valour which spread beyond Maharashtra in earlier age.
* Marathi is actually a mongrel language combining the old Dravidian vernacular of the region which would have been close to Kannada and Telugu and the actual Maharashtri Prakrit and Sanskrit. For WORDS OF DRAVIDIAN ORIGIN IN MARATHI CORE VOCABULARY refer []
* During the region of Nanda-Maurya, Kannada got established as a separate language from Proto-Dravidian.
* Kadambas are earliest sovereigns in Karnataka and they had sway over major part of Karnataka, and parts of Goa and Maharashtra.

Kannada impact on Marathi 
* Most of the words of Dravidian origin in Marathi appear to come from the languages immediately to the south, that is Kannada Kodagu Tulu.
* Kannada words are the highest in Marathi, spoken under Yadavas (1180-1320).
* Marathi inscriptions of 1222 in Kannada script at Khandoli.
* Marathi was influenced by Kannada and that many Kannada words are found in Jnaneshvari.
* The popular deities of Maharashtra Vitthala, Mahalaxmi, Tulajabhavani and Khandoba have their origin in Karnataka.
* Pune (Punnaka) 8th century, The earliest evidence of copper plates dating 758 AD and 768 AD reveals that this region was ruled by the Kannada Kingdom Rashtrakuta.
* Areas between the Narmada River in the north and Kaveri River in the south came under Kannada dynasty Chalukya.
* Political history of Maharashtra shows use of Kannada) for administrative purposes.
* The Code of Law Document (1670), on the arrival of the Portuguese, was translated into Persian and Kannada (Kanarese).
* In 1810, Stuart M. Elphinston, who became Governor of Bombay, was given a citation in Kannada.
* Going by the influence of Kannada language and culture, Belgaum should have been the State capital.

Belgaum border dispute 
Facts from History
* In the past Belgaum was known as Venugrama (means Bamboo village). Evident from the remains of monuments found here, it was a part of the Chalukya Empire(6th to 8th century).
* The history of Belgaum (12th and 13th century), was built and ruled by local rulers called Rattas of Saundatti and they built Belgaum fort.
* Belgaum was later ruled by the Yadavas of Devangiri and then became a part of the great Vijaynagar Empire.
* Belgaum is a Karmabhoomi of Rani Chennamma (First woman freedom fighter of the India, In 1824, ignited the spark of the freedom struggle) of Kittur.

Mahajan Commission 
The Central government in 1966 constituted a commission, headed by third CJI Meher Chand Mahajan
, to solve the border dispute between Karnataka and Maharastra. Mahajan Commission had recommended exchange of several villages between Karnataka and Maharastra, but rejected Maharashtra claim on Belgaum.

Politicising the issue 
Belgaum Kannada Marathi people are peace loving, Marathi people know Kannada and Kanndiga also speak Marathi and respect each other. But
generally during elections time MES and Shivsena activities again and again raked the border issue.
There is no point in politicising the issue, Belgaum is an integral part of Karnataka and has been
accepted by Government of Karnataka as per the Mahajan Commission report.

Goa Claim 
Claim made by Goa Konkani Rajya Ekikaran Manch, on Karwar, Supa and Haliyal in North Karnataka
Fact from History
* So many Kannda words are in use in Konkani.
* Goa was ruled by Kadamba Dynasty Kannada kingdom, having its capital at Halasi in Khanapur taluka of Belgaum District.
* Konkani was written in Kannada script in Goa historically for a long time.
* Kadambas of Banavasi won over some parts of Goa. The province of Goa was later occupied by two important Kannada dynasties, the Badami Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas. Goa saw a great development during this period and established itself as an important business center. Subsequent rulers of Goa, the Kadambas of Goa, actually had Chandavar in Uttara Kannada District as their capital.

Regional Imbalance 
Due to the Development activities are concentrated around Bangalore and Mysore.
North Karnataka remains underdeveloped. Due to this, the migration into Bangalore
and to other parts of India increasing. A High Power Committee for redressal of regional imbalances had been set up to study this issue.
It had made several recommendations. The report had stated that at
least Rs 31,000 crore had to be spent for North Karnataka.

Nanjundappa Committee report 
S.M. Krishna constituted the Nanjundappa Committee, to study and recommend a comprehensive development programme
to remove regional imbalance in North Karnataka districts.
Nanjundappa Committee report recommended investment of Rs. 16,000 crore over the 5 years to boost development.
No major action taken on the report after promises were made for the development of North Karnataka.

History and Tourism 
With the grace of the Dynasties like Kadamba, Rashtrakuta, Chalukya, Vijayanagara Empire, Deccan Sultanates. North Karnataka region has Thousands of group of monuments that include Temples, Basadi, Stupa, Gumbaj, Tomb.
Due the negligence of the Government of Karnataka, Government of India, Archeological Survey of India and Tourism Department, the places like Sannati Lakkundi, Aihole, Anegundi, Bidar, Gadag, Sudi, Hangal, Halasi, Chaudayyadanapura, Galaganatha many more are still waiting for the basic facilities like Compound, Garden, Guard.
North Karnataka would have been the Tourism Paradise of India, but still waiting for the basic facilities.

Neglected in Railway and Union Budgets
In Every Union and Railway budgets North Karnataka successively neglected.
A budget comes and goes with no positive news for North Karnataka.
Karnataka particularly North Karnataka's railway infrastructure is pathetic. Last 5 years Indian Union and Railways budgets are just meant for North India, Tamilnadu and Bihar.

North Karnataka emerges as terror hub 
North Karnataka has emerged as the hotbed for terror activity, according to intelligence sources.
North Karnataka is looked upon as a safe haven by terror groups. There is a huge SIMI presence in North Karnataka, and it has emerged as the most preferred destination after Hyderabad. After the heat was stepped in Hyderabad following blasts there, SIMI gradually moved into North Karnataka. Hubli-Dharwad and Bijapur as key destinations for SIMI.
A majority of the sleeper cells in Karnataka are in this region, These areas have huge populations of migrants, mainly from Kashmir, Bangladesh, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. While it is unfair to generalise that all migrants are into terrorism.
North Karnataka has been a preferred hub for terrorist for many years now. Terror training camps had been set up in the forests of North Karnataka. North Karnataka also played host to the crucial meeting termed as the Castle Rock meeting in Hubli.

North Karnataka representative’s negligence 
Politicians visit people of North Karnataka every time during elections and make huge castle election promises. But no representative and no party has ever done any significant development for North Karnataka. It is still the forgotten and neglected part of the state even after 50 years. Opportunist politicians and all burning issues which politicians are not even having a glance on them.

North Karnataka as a separate State 
Karnataka the moderately developed State, but the districts of
North Karnataka severely lag behind South and Coastal Karnataka.
In terms of Education, Health, Infrastructure, Economy, Drought.
Karnataka government has itself recognised this many times but not done much to develop.
The reasons for backwardness is Negligence.
In other words, historical neglect and continuing neglect by successive State Government. Packages have not helped, because development doesn’t come in Packages. Development requires a set of leaders dedicated to the cause of their respective constituencies.
North Karnataka’s problem has been a governance deficit that has led to North Karnataka as a separate State.

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